Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
February 25, 2009
Ethiopia is a federal republic led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. The population was approximately 77 million. In the 2005 parliamentary elections, the EPRDF won a third consecutive five-year term. more
Thursday, February 26, 2009
Sunday, February 22, 2009
Ethiopians Rally on March 2, 2009
Ethiopia and the friends of Ethiopia will on the 2nd of March 2009 take to the streets of many Cities around the world to protest against the gross human rights violations in Ethiopia. The activists will also demand the release of thousands of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience.
USA: Protest March from State Department to the White House
2200 C S1 NW, Washington DC, USA.
Starting from 9:00am
UK: Embassy of The United States
24 Grosvenor Square, London W1A 1AE
from 3pm to 7pm, info:07946644831, 07970350860
Switzerland: Embassy of The United States
Sulgeneckstrasse 19, CH-3007 Berne, Switzerland
Info041448110806, 041223410013
Thursday, February 19, 2009
Ethiopia Won’t Free Telecoms, Banking for WTO, Minister Says
By Jason McLure
Bloomberg
Feb. 19 (Bloomberg) -- Ethiopia will pursue membership of the World Trade Organization, though it has no plans to liberalize its telecommunications and financial-services industries to gain access, Trade Minister Girma Birru said.
more
Bloomberg
Feb. 19 (Bloomberg) -- Ethiopia will pursue membership of the World Trade Organization, though it has no plans to liberalize its telecommunications and financial-services industries to gain access, Trade Minister Girma Birru said.
more
Wednesday, February 18, 2009
Ill-treatment of Birtukan Mideksa
ANDINET NORTH AMERICA ASSOCIATION OF SUPPORT ORGANIZATIONS (ANAASO)
Action Alert, For Immediate Distribution
The Association of Andinet Support Organizations in North America has learnt disturbing developments in the prison conditions of Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, Chairwoman of UDJ. According to our sources, Ms. Mideksa still continues to be held in solitary confinement- nearly two months now. Her lawyer is once again prohibited from contacting her after he was allowed to meet with her only once following an international outcry. Ms. Mideksa’s niece, who was allowed to visit her in order to relieve her 72 year old frail mother from the burden of carrying food and other essentials on a long trip, is no more permitted to show up at the gates of the prison. As of today, it is only her elderly mother and her four year old daughter who have a weekly visitation rights. more
Action Alert, For Immediate Distribution
The Association of Andinet Support Organizations in North America has learnt disturbing developments in the prison conditions of Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, Chairwoman of UDJ. According to our sources, Ms. Mideksa still continues to be held in solitary confinement- nearly two months now. Her lawyer is once again prohibited from contacting her after he was allowed to meet with her only once following an international outcry. Ms. Mideksa’s niece, who was allowed to visit her in order to relieve her 72 year old frail mother from the burden of carrying food and other essentials on a long trip, is no more permitted to show up at the gates of the prison. As of today, it is only her elderly mother and her four year old daughter who have a weekly visitation rights. more
Thursday, February 12, 2009
Attacks on the Press in 2008: Ethiopia
The small vanguard of independent media that emerged from a brutal 2005 crackdown struggled in the face of continuing government harassment. Although authorities issued licenses allowing a handful of independent political newspapers to operate, they continued to use imprisonment, threats, and legal and administrative restrictions to suppress coverage of sensitive issues. more
Tuesday, February 10, 2009
Ethiopians United Can Never be Defeated!
By Alemayehu G. Mariam
February 9, 2009What Is Ethiopian Unity?
There are some who are working double overtime to make sure Ethiopia is strewn across the African continent like shards of broken ethnic glass. They have spent the last 18 years sleepless devising ways of defeating the people by separating them along ethnic, religious, cultural, regional and class lines. Now, we say emphatically: "Enough! Not This Time!" This is our time to come together and unite against a divisive, dastardly and devilish dictatorship. This is the time to stand up and declare: "Ethiopians united can never be defeated!"
But what exactly is the "unity" which makes Ethiopians invincible? In its purest form, Ethiopian unity is a "soul-force" or "truth force" that dwells within the heart and mind of each patriotic Ethiopian and impels him or her to take a personal and public stand for the indivisibility of the Ethiopian nation under God and the one-ness of the Ethiopian people. This "truth-force" has many manifestations. As a state of mind, it signifies the indisputable principle that every Ethiopian has the right to vote for the government of his/her choice and to live in a country where human rights are fully respected and the rule of law reigns supreme. As a form of political advocacy and action, Ethiopian unity means working together on a common set of goals while respecting our differences; uniting around a common vision, agenda and dream and making a personal commitment to work with others on the basis of trust, honor and love of country. As a spiritual experience, Ethiopian unity is about praying together -- regardless of our faith -- for the end of tyranny and dictatorship, and the blossoming of true brotherhood and sisterhood in equality, liberty and the rule of law. Ethiopian unity is quintessentially about working together to build a future based on the firm belief that the next generation of Ethiopians will not be victimized by a succession of dictators who cling to power by means of arbitrary arrests and detentions, extrajudicial killings, political persecution and stolen elections. It is ultimately about living free in a land where justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream!
Unity Does Not Mean There Are No differencesEthnic division is an ugly fact of Ethiopian history nurtured and refined to its highest political form by the current dictators. One can not run away from it. But Ethiopian unity does not mean the complete absence of differences. The United States of America is "united" not on the basis of uniformity of culture, religion, race, class or ethnicity. Rather, diversity is the glue that holds Americans together. Americans from all walks of life live harmoniously under the rule of law which guarantees their individual rights to personal autonomy, ethnic and cultural identity and independent political activity. It is in the American melting pot that Americans of all backgrounds join hands to "form a more perfect union." A unity where there are no differences is unnatural and unhealthy. Differences are to unity what alloys are to steel. Likewise Ethiopian unity must be forged in the hearts and minds of free men and women of all ethnic, cultural, religious and socio-economic backgrounds.
The Power of ONE: Each One of Us is a Unifying ForceGandhi taught, "You must be the change you want to see in the world." If we want to see a more just and equitable society in Ethiopia, a country where the rule of law is supreme and where government fears its people, each one of us must act. Every Ethiopian is a power for good or evil. We have to make the choice to be a force for good. By every thought we contemplate and act we perform, we can bring about greater unity and harmony among the people. This is a burden of responsibility we carry for ourselves now, and for the next generation. The power of one for good or evil can not be underestimated. We have seen for nearly two decades how one man with a small group of henchmen has been able to destroy an entire nation. What we must also see is that many individuals working together can heal the wounds inflicted upon our country and set it on course to its glorious destiny. Everything begins with the one: One step begins a thousand mile journey. One tree starts a forest. One bird heralds the arrival spring. One candle illuminates the enveloping darkness. One voice can speak for thousands. One hope, one dream can raise the spirit of millions. Each one of us has the Power of One. Let's use it for the good of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people.
Understanding the Adversary and Extending an Olive BranchWhat have we learned from the last 18 years of dictatorial rule in Ethiopia? What can we learn from the 2005 elections? How can we build coalitions to help advance democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia? The last 18 years have taught us many lessons. We know that the current dictators of Ethiopia are politically and morally bankrupt, and have no legitimacy in the eyes of the people. We know their raison d'etre (reason for existence) is to cling to power by any and all means necessary. They have proven that they will lie, cheat, rob, steal, kill and do whatever it takes to keep themselves in power. We also know they thrive in a culture of corruption. Politics to them is the business of corruption. The dictators also know basic truths about themselves: They are despised by the vast majority of the people. They know after 18 years of misrule, squandering the country's scarce resources on wars, useless projects and mindless adventures and social experiments they have little to show for it. (Recently, the World Bank reported that Ethiopia has been lagging in its infrastructure development [that is facilities, services and installations needed for the functioning of a society], as compared to other African countries.) They know they have committed so many unspeakable crimes that they dread the advent of that inevitable day when they will be held to account. They know they will never be able to win in the field of free political competition. The international community knows who they are too: war criminals, human rights violators and international outlaws. The ultimate truth about our adversaries is that they will employ a scorched earth policy if they believe they are at risk of losing power. For them it will be the old après moi le deluge (after me, the flood; or the Amharic equivalent of the donkey's byword that she does not care if tall grasses never grow after she is gone.) For nearly two decades, they have used ethnic division to consolidate their power, and they will not hesitate to use the same strategy to dismember Ethiopia on their way out.
But there is also another truth we must know: Not all of those on the side of our adversaries are truly our adversaries. Our adversaries are not necessarily a monolith, a single block of rock. It is true that the ruthless crooks at the top are carved out of the same granite of corruption, cruelty and criminality. But there are many who just live under the dark shadow of this rock out of simple survival. They pretend to support the dictators, but in reality, they are sick and tired of living under the long dark shadow of the hard rock of dictatorship. They do not want to be the object of irrational hate, contempt and ridicule by their countrymen and women. They too want to live in peace and harmony with their brothers and sisters. We need to extend olive branches to each one of them so that they do not feel trapped in circumstances over which they have little control, and make it possible for them to join the true cause of democracy, freedom and human rights. It is not necessary to scare or humiliate them and push them deeper into desperation where they see only one option: go down with the dictators. We need to reassure them always that we bear no malice towards them, but we condemn unreservedly any intentional illegal and immoral acts they may have perpetrated against their countrymen and women.
How Do We Practice Diaspora Unity?Unity is a combination of dialogue and action. It is fundamentally an affirmation of our humanity before ethnicity, nationality, political party, Africanity or Ethiopianity. The strongest form of human unity is based on unity of thought around principles of truth and justice. We demonstrate unity in the actions we take in our personal lives and how we treat and relate to each other; that is, in our ability to build relationships based on authenticity (the degree to which one is true to one's own personality, spirit, or character) and not ethnicity (looking at the world through tribal and cultural lenses). Practicing unity means focusing on issues and ideas and not personalities; not dwelling too much on the wrongs that have been done to us in the past but how we can heal each other in the future; adopting evidence-based thinking instead of reacting emotionally; thinking before acting and always maintaining a personal policy of openness, honesty, fairness and respect for each other. Practicing unity is also about not acting in certain ways: refraining from soiling the names and reputations of those who struggle with us in the cause but may not agree with us on everything; avoiding rumor-mongering; not insisting that we have a monopoly ownership of the whole truth; and refusing to walk a mile in the shoes of those with whom we disagree. None of us is naïve enough to believe that we can get beyond our differences, whatever they may be, in a single political event; nor do we believe that the removal of dictatorship will be a cure-all to all of our problems. But it is necessary now to begin working together for a better future without embracing the weighty burdens of our past, or becoming its helpless victims. That is why we must embrace the audacity of hope and act selflessly to help the Motherland.
The Power of Dialogue: Out of Many Voices, ONEThe national motto of the United States declares, "E pluribus Unum" (One Out of Many). Our motto for Ethiopian Diaspora dialogue ought to be, "Out of Many Voices, One." Coming to one voice will not be easy because there are too many echoes reverberating across the canyons that divide Ethiopians and keep us needlessly apart. We must bridge through genuine dialogue the ethnic canyons, the generational canyons, the culture canyons, the gender canyons, the language canyons, the religious canyons, the class canyons and the urban-rural canyons. We need many bridge-builders to sign up and begin working on laying the foundation for a robust Ethiopian democracy based on truly free elections, respect for the rule of law and human rights, the establishment of an independent judiciary, and the free functioning of an independent press and civic society institutions.
The power of Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue should not be undervalued. Unity of thought in dialogue must precede unity of collective action; and the power of dialogue is the power of reason and the power of honest and authentic communication. The Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue, we believe, has started everywhere. Many are in the beginning stages. We honor all who have taken the initiative to dialogue and encourage them to continue and intensify their efforts. We are humbly proud to be part of the emerging teams of dialogue facilitators in the Diaspora. We believe "truth-powder" is far superior to our adversaries' gunpowder. Guns and tanks do not stand behind us. Strong beliefs and ideas about the power of a united Ethiopian people do. And there is no gun or tank that can defeat an idea whose time has come. And the time has come for all of us to work single-mindedly for the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. Ancient wisdom says, "If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go with other." We want to go far with our compatriots on the long journey to freedom from dictatorship. As we do so, we are inspired by Barack's message to the American people: "For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism…. Or we can come together and say, "Not this time." It is high time that all freedom-loving patriotic Ethiopians the world over make a choice, stand up and shout: "NOT THIS TIME!" Let's come together and make 2009 the beginning of a New Era of Unity in the Ethiopian Diaspora. YASTESERYAL!
Ethiopians United Can Never Be Defeated!
February 9, 2009What Is Ethiopian Unity?
There are some who are working double overtime to make sure Ethiopia is strewn across the African continent like shards of broken ethnic glass. They have spent the last 18 years sleepless devising ways of defeating the people by separating them along ethnic, religious, cultural, regional and class lines. Now, we say emphatically: "Enough! Not This Time!" This is our time to come together and unite against a divisive, dastardly and devilish dictatorship. This is the time to stand up and declare: "Ethiopians united can never be defeated!"
But what exactly is the "unity" which makes Ethiopians invincible? In its purest form, Ethiopian unity is a "soul-force" or "truth force" that dwells within the heart and mind of each patriotic Ethiopian and impels him or her to take a personal and public stand for the indivisibility of the Ethiopian nation under God and the one-ness of the Ethiopian people. This "truth-force" has many manifestations. As a state of mind, it signifies the indisputable principle that every Ethiopian has the right to vote for the government of his/her choice and to live in a country where human rights are fully respected and the rule of law reigns supreme. As a form of political advocacy and action, Ethiopian unity means working together on a common set of goals while respecting our differences; uniting around a common vision, agenda and dream and making a personal commitment to work with others on the basis of trust, honor and love of country. As a spiritual experience, Ethiopian unity is about praying together -- regardless of our faith -- for the end of tyranny and dictatorship, and the blossoming of true brotherhood and sisterhood in equality, liberty and the rule of law. Ethiopian unity is quintessentially about working together to build a future based on the firm belief that the next generation of Ethiopians will not be victimized by a succession of dictators who cling to power by means of arbitrary arrests and detentions, extrajudicial killings, political persecution and stolen elections. It is ultimately about living free in a land where justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream!
Unity Does Not Mean There Are No differencesEthnic division is an ugly fact of Ethiopian history nurtured and refined to its highest political form by the current dictators. One can not run away from it. But Ethiopian unity does not mean the complete absence of differences. The United States of America is "united" not on the basis of uniformity of culture, religion, race, class or ethnicity. Rather, diversity is the glue that holds Americans together. Americans from all walks of life live harmoniously under the rule of law which guarantees their individual rights to personal autonomy, ethnic and cultural identity and independent political activity. It is in the American melting pot that Americans of all backgrounds join hands to "form a more perfect union." A unity where there are no differences is unnatural and unhealthy. Differences are to unity what alloys are to steel. Likewise Ethiopian unity must be forged in the hearts and minds of free men and women of all ethnic, cultural, religious and socio-economic backgrounds.
The Power of ONE: Each One of Us is a Unifying ForceGandhi taught, "You must be the change you want to see in the world." If we want to see a more just and equitable society in Ethiopia, a country where the rule of law is supreme and where government fears its people, each one of us must act. Every Ethiopian is a power for good or evil. We have to make the choice to be a force for good. By every thought we contemplate and act we perform, we can bring about greater unity and harmony among the people. This is a burden of responsibility we carry for ourselves now, and for the next generation. The power of one for good or evil can not be underestimated. We have seen for nearly two decades how one man with a small group of henchmen has been able to destroy an entire nation. What we must also see is that many individuals working together can heal the wounds inflicted upon our country and set it on course to its glorious destiny. Everything begins with the one: One step begins a thousand mile journey. One tree starts a forest. One bird heralds the arrival spring. One candle illuminates the enveloping darkness. One voice can speak for thousands. One hope, one dream can raise the spirit of millions. Each one of us has the Power of One. Let's use it for the good of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people.
Understanding the Adversary and Extending an Olive BranchWhat have we learned from the last 18 years of dictatorial rule in Ethiopia? What can we learn from the 2005 elections? How can we build coalitions to help advance democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia? The last 18 years have taught us many lessons. We know that the current dictators of Ethiopia are politically and morally bankrupt, and have no legitimacy in the eyes of the people. We know their raison d'etre (reason for existence) is to cling to power by any and all means necessary. They have proven that they will lie, cheat, rob, steal, kill and do whatever it takes to keep themselves in power. We also know they thrive in a culture of corruption. Politics to them is the business of corruption. The dictators also know basic truths about themselves: They are despised by the vast majority of the people. They know after 18 years of misrule, squandering the country's scarce resources on wars, useless projects and mindless adventures and social experiments they have little to show for it. (Recently, the World Bank reported that Ethiopia has been lagging in its infrastructure development [that is facilities, services and installations needed for the functioning of a society], as compared to other African countries.) They know they have committed so many unspeakable crimes that they dread the advent of that inevitable day when they will be held to account. They know they will never be able to win in the field of free political competition. The international community knows who they are too: war criminals, human rights violators and international outlaws. The ultimate truth about our adversaries is that they will employ a scorched earth policy if they believe they are at risk of losing power. For them it will be the old après moi le deluge (after me, the flood; or the Amharic equivalent of the donkey's byword that she does not care if tall grasses never grow after she is gone.) For nearly two decades, they have used ethnic division to consolidate their power, and they will not hesitate to use the same strategy to dismember Ethiopia on their way out.
But there is also another truth we must know: Not all of those on the side of our adversaries are truly our adversaries. Our adversaries are not necessarily a monolith, a single block of rock. It is true that the ruthless crooks at the top are carved out of the same granite of corruption, cruelty and criminality. But there are many who just live under the dark shadow of this rock out of simple survival. They pretend to support the dictators, but in reality, they are sick and tired of living under the long dark shadow of the hard rock of dictatorship. They do not want to be the object of irrational hate, contempt and ridicule by their countrymen and women. They too want to live in peace and harmony with their brothers and sisters. We need to extend olive branches to each one of them so that they do not feel trapped in circumstances over which they have little control, and make it possible for them to join the true cause of democracy, freedom and human rights. It is not necessary to scare or humiliate them and push them deeper into desperation where they see only one option: go down with the dictators. We need to reassure them always that we bear no malice towards them, but we condemn unreservedly any intentional illegal and immoral acts they may have perpetrated against their countrymen and women.
How Do We Practice Diaspora Unity?Unity is a combination of dialogue and action. It is fundamentally an affirmation of our humanity before ethnicity, nationality, political party, Africanity or Ethiopianity. The strongest form of human unity is based on unity of thought around principles of truth and justice. We demonstrate unity in the actions we take in our personal lives and how we treat and relate to each other; that is, in our ability to build relationships based on authenticity (the degree to which one is true to one's own personality, spirit, or character) and not ethnicity (looking at the world through tribal and cultural lenses). Practicing unity means focusing on issues and ideas and not personalities; not dwelling too much on the wrongs that have been done to us in the past but how we can heal each other in the future; adopting evidence-based thinking instead of reacting emotionally; thinking before acting and always maintaining a personal policy of openness, honesty, fairness and respect for each other. Practicing unity is also about not acting in certain ways: refraining from soiling the names and reputations of those who struggle with us in the cause but may not agree with us on everything; avoiding rumor-mongering; not insisting that we have a monopoly ownership of the whole truth; and refusing to walk a mile in the shoes of those with whom we disagree. None of us is naïve enough to believe that we can get beyond our differences, whatever they may be, in a single political event; nor do we believe that the removal of dictatorship will be a cure-all to all of our problems. But it is necessary now to begin working together for a better future without embracing the weighty burdens of our past, or becoming its helpless victims. That is why we must embrace the audacity of hope and act selflessly to help the Motherland.
The Power of Dialogue: Out of Many Voices, ONEThe national motto of the United States declares, "E pluribus Unum" (One Out of Many). Our motto for Ethiopian Diaspora dialogue ought to be, "Out of Many Voices, One." Coming to one voice will not be easy because there are too many echoes reverberating across the canyons that divide Ethiopians and keep us needlessly apart. We must bridge through genuine dialogue the ethnic canyons, the generational canyons, the culture canyons, the gender canyons, the language canyons, the religious canyons, the class canyons and the urban-rural canyons. We need many bridge-builders to sign up and begin working on laying the foundation for a robust Ethiopian democracy based on truly free elections, respect for the rule of law and human rights, the establishment of an independent judiciary, and the free functioning of an independent press and civic society institutions.
The power of Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue should not be undervalued. Unity of thought in dialogue must precede unity of collective action; and the power of dialogue is the power of reason and the power of honest and authentic communication. The Ethiopian Diaspora Dialogue, we believe, has started everywhere. Many are in the beginning stages. We honor all who have taken the initiative to dialogue and encourage them to continue and intensify their efforts. We are humbly proud to be part of the emerging teams of dialogue facilitators in the Diaspora. We believe "truth-powder" is far superior to our adversaries' gunpowder. Guns and tanks do not stand behind us. Strong beliefs and ideas about the power of a united Ethiopian people do. And there is no gun or tank that can defeat an idea whose time has come. And the time has come for all of us to work single-mindedly for the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. Ancient wisdom says, "If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go with other." We want to go far with our compatriots on the long journey to freedom from dictatorship. As we do so, we are inspired by Barack's message to the American people: "For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism…. Or we can come together and say, "Not this time." It is high time that all freedom-loving patriotic Ethiopians the world over make a choice, stand up and shout: "NOT THIS TIME!" Let's come together and make 2009 the beginning of a New Era of Unity in the Ethiopian Diaspora. YASTESERYAL!
Ethiopians United Can Never Be Defeated!
Thursday, February 5, 2009
Opposition leader Bekele Jirata freed
February 4th, 2009
By Barry Malone - Feb 4, 2009 –ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - A leading Ethiopian opposition politician was freed on bail on Wednesday after he was jailed last November after the government accused him of working with rebels, his party said.
By Barry Malone - Feb 4, 2009 –ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - A leading Ethiopian opposition politician was freed on bail on Wednesday after he was jailed last November after the government accused him of working with rebels, his party said.
Tuesday, February 3, 2009
Jailed - the judge who refused to say sorry
By Daniel HowdenTuesday, 3 February 2009
The Independent
Birtukan Mideksa has been re-arrested after refusing to say sorry for protesting against the 2005 election results in Ethiopia Birtukan Mideksa has been sentenced to life in prison. She spends her days and nights in solitary confinement in a two-metre by two-metre cell. She cannot leave it to see daylight or even to receive visitors. Previous inmates say the prison is often unbearably hot.
Her crime: refusing to say sorry. The judge, aged 34, is the head of Ethiopia's most popular political party, the only female leader of a main opposition party in Africa. The government in Addis Ababa had her arrested on 28 December, claiming she had violated the terms of an earlier pardon.
Her previous release in 2007, which came after serving two years in prison, was conditional on her signing an apology for taking part in protests against fixed elections. In November, the woman who is becoming a democratic icon in Ethiopia told an audience in Sweden that she had not asked for a pardon. On returning to Ethiopia it was demanded that she sign further apologies and, when she refused, she was re-arrested. The Ministry of Justice then issued a statement reimposing her life sentence.
Mesfin Woldemariam, an award-winning Ethiopian human rights campaigner, is clear about what she says is going on: "She refuses to bow to them. They want her to submit, but she didn't submit when she was a judge. That's why she left the bar. And she won't now. She's a tough cookie." She won national acclaim by defying government control of the courts and resigning the bar to practice law after high-profile decisions were overturned.
The charges against her go to the heart of Ethiopia's experiment with democracy in 2005 and the violent backlash that followed the country's flawed first attempt at a multi-party election.
When demonstrators, including Ms Mideksa, took to the streets to protest at the skewed results which returned the ruling party, the police opened fire, killing at least 187 people. The opposition leadership, along with thousands of others, were rounded up and jailed.
"In 2005, we expected the results of the national parliamentary elections as a strong foundation for building a temple of democracy in Ethiopia," she told a US Senate hearing in 2007. "Our hopes were dashed, and we found ourselves trapped in a burning house of tyranny." Her response since being released has been to unite the fragments of opposition into a single party committed to non-violence, democratic reform and an independent judiciary. A mother who has missed much of her five-year-old daughter's life so far, she has shown remarkable courage. "I'm not afraid of going to jail," she said last year after founding the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party. "Not because that is not a possibility. I know that could happen."
Professor Woldemariam was with her when it did happen. Five cars pulled up and the pair were confronted violently by police while on a street in the capital city. "They behaved as if there was a prize for the first person who got her," the former Fulbright scholar and now professor of geography recalls.
When he asked why they had not issued a warrant and asked her to give herself into custody, one of the men turned on him. "He hit me with the butt of his gun and they pushed her into a car and took her." Her destination was a cell in the notorious Kaliti prison outside the capital Addis Ababa. It's a place with which she is already intimately acquainted, where prisoners are kept in conditions she once described as "dehumanising", "atrocious" and "barbarous".
The UK director of Amnesty International, Kate Allen, said: "There appears to be no lawful reason why Birtukan Mideksa was arrested or remains in detention. She has now been held for a month in solitary confinement and still has not been charged. This is unacceptable." Ethiopia's Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, has been in power since 1995. He was formerly feted as a progressive voice by Tony Blair but he has become markedly dictatorial during his years in power. One regional analyst said the government was becoming increasingly paranoid.
"This came in the context of an election that the government lost control of in 2005, and ahead of 2010 elections that it fully intends to keep from going the same way."
Recently, laws have been passed to heavily restrict the work of international non-government organisations, despite an ongoing famine in areas of the country. "Much of the government's behaviour stems from security concerns, and a lack of understanding that improving human rights will actually help to mitigate many of their concerns," said the analyst. Professor Woldemariam, one of a few people still prepared to speak out in a country he describes as a "police state", says the regime had become frightened of Ms Mideksa. "They are looking for any excuse to get her because she's a dynamic girl who is getting increasingly popular. They want to cut her short."
But it will not be easy to intimidate her, he believes. "She has such faith in the law. She says to me, 'the law says this, the law says that ...'. I said to her: 'What law are you talking about? You were locked up for two years with no due process.'" Described as an "Ethiopian Obama" and a brilliant speaker and organiser, she has become a symbol of democracy in her own country, compared with figures like Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi.
There is reported to be deep disquiet among the general population at her arrest and conditions of detention, even though their dissent is not tolerated. Ethiopia, largely Orthodox Christian, has been a staunch ally of the American-led war on terror and a partner in its disastrous policy on Somalia. The arrest of Ms Mideksa has sparked criticism from some American senators and the hope that the Obama administration might change Washington's relationship with the Zenawi government. "There is no democracy in Ethiopia today, despite empty claims of 'recent bold democratic initiatives' taken by our government," Ms Mideksa told US senators. Many in Ethiopia and its large diaspora are hoping that Mr Obama's offer to "extend a hand" to dictatorships who would unclench their fists included a message to Addis Ababa. Ms Mideksa has already given Washington her advice: "Ethiopia has many problems, including a legacy of repression, corruption and mismanagement. The US can help by using its considerable influence to encourage the government to negotiate with the opposition. It will not be easy to confront the past.
"We must start at the right point by embracing the rule of law, human rights and democracy."
Views from cyberspace: What the blogs say
*There is an old Ethiopian proverb which in translation says, "Oh, Mr Hyena, don't give me excuse to eat me". (Aya jibo sata mehagne blagne). Why is Zenawi resorting to such thuggish tactics against Birtukan? And Professor Mesfin? And the [Unity for Democracy and Justice Party]? Is he trying to create a convenient distraction from his devastating defeat in Somalia? - Quatero News and Views
*Birtukan has modelled courage and conviction. I do not think she is asking the Ethiopian people to personally rescue her; but instead, on behalf of others. - Anyuak Media * Birtukan Mideksa continues to impress millions of her fellow compatriots to promote the struggle forthe triumph of democracy over tyranny. - Ethiomedia
*In fact, the Ethiopian tyrant has killed far more innocent people than the Zimbabwean tyrant. The Ethiopian tyrant also has rigged national elections for three times like the Zimbabwean tyrant. I hope and I believe democrats as well as President Obama will restore respect for the US by supporting people who aspire for their democratic rights. - Shemolo
Friday, January 30, 2009
Public Meeting Jan 31 2009 - 2:00pm
Public meeting organized by Andenet DC Metro Support Chapter
Saterday Jan 31 2009 - 2:00pm
Marriott Washington1221 22nd Street NW
Washington. DC 20037
http://www.kinijitethiopia.org/docs/UDJ/event/jan31_meeting.pdf
Saterday Jan 31 2009 - 2:00pm
Marriott Washington1221 22nd Street NW
Washington. DC 20037
http://www.kinijitethiopia.org/docs/UDJ/event/jan31_meeting.pdf
Thursday, January 29, 2009
Ethiopia ranks 126 in 2008 World Corruption table by Transperncy International
According to Transparency International, Ethiopia is still classified as one of the most corrupt states in the world, as close circle of people in power are looting the nation. The anti-corruption commission itself has proved to be the most corrupt organ of Meles Zenawi’s regime. It is very difficult to abandon corruption so long as Meles Zenawi himself is benefiting from it. The Prime Minister’s wife, Azeb Mesfin, is an ambitious businesswoman, who has long been the head of the multi-million dollar business empire, Mega Corporation, which earned her the nickname “Queen of Mega.” One of the serious complaints of businessmen that have been ignored by the ruling party is the crippling effect of TPLF-backed business enterprises like Mega. Independent businessmen have long been alleging that they could not compete freely as the favoured companies and corporations that are connected to the ruling party, have unfairly monopolized many sectors owing to their links with the top brasses of the TPLF. Only the likes of Seye Abraha who challenged the PM were accused of corruption and ended up in jails, but the impropriety of mingling public, private and party-owned businesses remains a contentious issues.
Among the largest TPLF companies are Wegagen Bank, Guna Trading, Almedia Textiles and Garment, Africa Insurance, Beruh Chemical, Express Transit, Hiwot Agricultural, Mega-Net, Mesebo Building, Sheba Tannery, Meskerem Investment, Mesfin Industrial, Sur Construction, and Trans-Ethiopia. ENDEAVOR, as a junior partner, has more modest holdings which include Dashen Brewery, Zeleke Agricultural, and Blue Nile transport. The other EPRDF member fronts are in the early stages of mastering the get-rich-quick scheme.
To end up corruptions and sufferings of our nation, people must join hand and fight the root cause of these miseries which is the Meles Zenawi regime. Two decades in power, Meles is the same.
Related documents:
1. The 'Queen of Mega' in Parliament. http://www.kinijit.org/content_JIL.asp?amonth=2007&ContentType=News&contentid=2212
2. 2008 world corruption table by Transperncy International. http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2008
3. The Ominous Clouds of Woyanne/EPRDF’s Business Empire.http://tegbar.org/?p=52
4. The book and the corruption. http://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/783
5. The Link between ethno-centric minority rule and corruption; the case of Ethiopiahttp://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/588
Among the largest TPLF companies are Wegagen Bank, Guna Trading, Almedia Textiles and Garment, Africa Insurance, Beruh Chemical, Express Transit, Hiwot Agricultural, Mega-Net, Mesebo Building, Sheba Tannery, Meskerem Investment, Mesfin Industrial, Sur Construction, and Trans-Ethiopia. ENDEAVOR, as a junior partner, has more modest holdings which include Dashen Brewery, Zeleke Agricultural, and Blue Nile transport. The other EPRDF member fronts are in the early stages of mastering the get-rich-quick scheme.
To end up corruptions and sufferings of our nation, people must join hand and fight the root cause of these miseries which is the Meles Zenawi regime. Two decades in power, Meles is the same.
Related documents:
1. The 'Queen of Mega' in Parliament. http://www.kinijit.org/content_JIL.asp?amonth=2007&ContentType=News&contentid=2212
2. 2008 world corruption table by Transperncy International. http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2008
3. The Ominous Clouds of Woyanne/EPRDF’s Business Empire.http://tegbar.org/?p=52
4. The book and the corruption. http://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/783
5. The Link between ethno-centric minority rule and corruption; the case of Ethiopiahttp://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/588
Tuesday, January 27, 2009
Human Rights Watch Report 2008 Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Events of 2008
Downloadable Resources:
World Report Chapter: Ethiopia (PDF)
Ethiopia
The Ethiopian government's human rights record remains poor, marked by an ever-hardening intolerance towards meaningful political dissent or independent criticism. Ethiopian military forces have continued to commit war crimes and other serious abuses with impunity in the course of counterinsurgency campaigns in Ethiopia's eastern Somali Region and in neighboring Somalia.
Local-level elections in April 2008 provided a stark illustration of the extent to which the government has successfully crippled organized opposition of any kind-the ruling party and its affiliates won more than 99 percent of all constituencies, and the vast majority of seats were uncontested. In 2008 the government launched a direct assault on civil society by introducing legislation that would criminalize most independent human rights work and subject NGOs to pervasive interference and control.
Political Repression
The limited opening of political space that preceded Ethiopia's 2005 elections has been entirely reversed. Government opponents and ordinary citizens alike face repression that discourages and punishes free expression and political activity. Ethiopian government officials regularly subject government critics or perceived opponents to harassment, arrest, and even torture, often reflexively accusing them of membership in "anti-peace" or "anti-people" organizations. Farmers who criticize local leaders face threats of losing vital agricultural inputs such as fertilizer or the selective enforcement of debts owed to the state. The net result is that in most of Ethiopia, and especially in the rural areas where the overwhelming majority of the population lives, there is no organized opposition to the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).
The local-level elections in April 2008 were for kebele and wereda administrations, which provide essential government services and humanitarian assistance, and are often the institutions used to directly implement repressive government policies. In the vast majority of constituencies there were no opposition candidates at all, and candidates aligned with the EPRDF won more than 99 percent of all available seats.
Where opposition candidates did contest they faced abuse and improper procedural obstacles to registration. Candidates in Ethiopia's Oromia region were detained, threatened with violence by local officials, and accused of affiliation to the rebel Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Oromia, Ethiopia's most populous region, has long suffered from heavy-handed government repression, with students, activists, or critics of rural administrations regularly accused of being OLF operatives. Such allegations often lead to arbitrary imprisonment and torture.
War Crimes and Other Abuses by Ethiopian Military Forces
Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) personnel stationed in Mogadishu continued in 2008 to use mortars, artillery, and "Katyusha" rockets indiscriminately in response to insurgent attacks, devastating entire neighborhoods of the city. Insurgent attacks often originate in populated areas, prompting Ethiopian bombardment of civilian homes and public spaces, sometimes wiping out entire families. Many of these attacks constitute war crimes. In July ENDF forces bombarded part of the strategic town of Beletweyne after coming under attack by insurgent forces based there, displacing as many as 75,000 people.
2008 was also marked by the proliferation of other violations of the laws of war by ENDF personnel in Somalia. Until late 2007, Ethiopian forces were reportedly reasonably disciplined and restrained in their day-to-day interactions with Somali civilians in Mogadishu. However, throughout 2008 ENDF forces in Mogadishu participated in widespread acts of murder, rape, assault, and looting targeting ordinary residents of the city, often alongside forces allied to the Somali Transitional Federal Government. In an April raid on a Mogadishu mosque ENDF soldiers reportedly killed 21 people; seven of the dead had their throats cut.
ENDF forces have also increasingly fired indiscriminately on crowds of civilians when they come under attack. In August ENDF soldiers were hit by a roadside bomb near the town of Afgooye and responded by firing wildly; in the resulting bloodbath as many as 60 civilians were shot and killed, including the passengers of two crowded minibuses.
In Ethiopia itself, the ENDF continues to wage a counterinsurgency campaign against the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in the country's restive Somali region. The scale and intensity of military operations seems to have declined from a peak in mid-2007, but arbitrary detentions, torture, and other abuses continue. Credible reports indicate that vital food aid to the drought-affected region has been diverted and misused as a weapon to starve out rebel-held areas. The military continues to severely restrict access to conflict-affected regions and the Ethiopian government has not reversed its decision to evict the International Committee of the Red Cross from the region in July 2007.
The Ethiopian government denies all allegations of abuses by its military and refuses to facilitate independent investigations. There have been no serious efforts to investigate or ensure accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Somali Region and in neighboring Somalia in 2007 and 2008. Nor have ENDF officers or civilian officials been held accountable for crimes against humanity that ENDF forces carried out against ethnic Anuak communities during a counterinsurgency campaign in Gambella region in late 2003 and 2004.
Regional Renditions
In early 2007 at least 90 men, women, and children from 18 different countries fleeing conflict in Somalia were arrested in Kenya and subsequently deported to Somalia and then Ethiopia, where many were interrogated by US intelligence agents. An unknown number of people arrested by Ethiopian forces in Somalia were also directly transferred to Ethiopia. Many of the victims of these "regional renditions" were released in mid-2007 and early 2008, but at least two men, including a Kenyan and a Canadian national, remain in Ethiopian detention almost two years after their deportation from Kenya. The whereabouts and fate of at least 22 others rendered to Ethiopia, including Eritreans, Somalis, and Ethiopian Ogadeni and Oromo, is unknown.
Civil Society and Free Expression
The environment for civil society continues to deteriorate. In 2008 the government announced new legislation-the Charities and Societies Proclamation-which purports to provide greater oversight and transparency on civil society activities. In fact, the law would undermine the independence of civil society and criminalizes the work of many human rights organizations. At this writing, the law looked set to be introduced to parliament.
Alongside a complex and onerous system of government surveillance and control, the law would place sharp restrictions on the kinds of work permissible to foreign organizations and Ethiopian civil society groups that receive some foreign funding-barring such organizations from any kind of work touching on human rights issues. Individuals who fail to comply with the law's Byzantine provisions could face criminal prosecution.
A new media law passed in July promises to reform some of the most repressive aspects of the previous legal framework. Most notably, the law eliminates the practice of pretrial detention for journalists-although in August, the prominent editor of the Addis Ababa-based Reporter newspaper was imprisoned without charge for several days in connection with a story printed in the paper. In spite of its positive aspects, the law remains flawed-it grants the government significant leeway to restrain free speech, including by summarily impounding publications on grounds of national security or public order. The law also retains criminal penalties including prison terms for journalists found guilty of libel or defamation.
In March 2008 civil society activists Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie were released from more than two years of incarceration, but only after the Ethiopian Federal High Court convicted them of "incitement" related to the 2005 elections.
Key International Actors
The United States and European donor states provide the Ethiopian government with large sums of bilateral assistance, including direct budgetary support from the United Kingdom and military assistance from the US. The US is Ethiopia's largest bilateral donor and has also provided logistical and political support for Ethiopia's protracted intervention in Somalia, and provides bilateral assistance to the Ethiopian military. Donor governments view Ethiopia as an important ally in an unstable region and, in the case of the US, in the "global war on terror."
The US, UK, and other key donors and political allies have consistently refused to publicly criticize widespread abuses or to demand meaningful improvements in Ethiopia's human rights record. The sole exception in 2008 lay in donor government efforts to lobby against the repressive civil society legislation introduced by the government. No major donor made any significant effort to raise serious concerns about or demand a concrete response to war crimes and crimes against humanity in Ethiopia or ENDF atrocities in Somalia.
Ethiopia remains deadlocked over a boundary dispute with Eritrea dating from the two countries' 1998-2000 war. The war in Somalia is another source of tension between the two countries, with Eritrea backing and hosting one faction of the insurgency Ethiopian troops are fighting against in Somalia. Eritrea also plays host to other Ethiopian rebel movements, notably the OLF and ONLF, with the aim of destabilizing the Ethiopian government.
China's importance as a trading partner to Ethiopia grows year by year. According to official figures Chinese investment in Ethiopia totals more than US$350 million annually, up from just $10 million in 2003.
Ethiopia is due to be reviewed under the Universal Periodic Review mechanism of the UN Human Rights Council in December 2009.
Events of 2008
Downloadable Resources:
World Report Chapter: Ethiopia (PDF)
Ethiopia
The Ethiopian government's human rights record remains poor, marked by an ever-hardening intolerance towards meaningful political dissent or independent criticism. Ethiopian military forces have continued to commit war crimes and other serious abuses with impunity in the course of counterinsurgency campaigns in Ethiopia's eastern Somali Region and in neighboring Somalia.
Local-level elections in April 2008 provided a stark illustration of the extent to which the government has successfully crippled organized opposition of any kind-the ruling party and its affiliates won more than 99 percent of all constituencies, and the vast majority of seats were uncontested. In 2008 the government launched a direct assault on civil society by introducing legislation that would criminalize most independent human rights work and subject NGOs to pervasive interference and control.
Political Repression
The limited opening of political space that preceded Ethiopia's 2005 elections has been entirely reversed. Government opponents and ordinary citizens alike face repression that discourages and punishes free expression and political activity. Ethiopian government officials regularly subject government critics or perceived opponents to harassment, arrest, and even torture, often reflexively accusing them of membership in "anti-peace" or "anti-people" organizations. Farmers who criticize local leaders face threats of losing vital agricultural inputs such as fertilizer or the selective enforcement of debts owed to the state. The net result is that in most of Ethiopia, and especially in the rural areas where the overwhelming majority of the population lives, there is no organized opposition to the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).
The local-level elections in April 2008 were for kebele and wereda administrations, which provide essential government services and humanitarian assistance, and are often the institutions used to directly implement repressive government policies. In the vast majority of constituencies there were no opposition candidates at all, and candidates aligned with the EPRDF won more than 99 percent of all available seats.
Where opposition candidates did contest they faced abuse and improper procedural obstacles to registration. Candidates in Ethiopia's Oromia region were detained, threatened with violence by local officials, and accused of affiliation to the rebel Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Oromia, Ethiopia's most populous region, has long suffered from heavy-handed government repression, with students, activists, or critics of rural administrations regularly accused of being OLF operatives. Such allegations often lead to arbitrary imprisonment and torture.
War Crimes and Other Abuses by Ethiopian Military Forces
Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) personnel stationed in Mogadishu continued in 2008 to use mortars, artillery, and "Katyusha" rockets indiscriminately in response to insurgent attacks, devastating entire neighborhoods of the city. Insurgent attacks often originate in populated areas, prompting Ethiopian bombardment of civilian homes and public spaces, sometimes wiping out entire families. Many of these attacks constitute war crimes. In July ENDF forces bombarded part of the strategic town of Beletweyne after coming under attack by insurgent forces based there, displacing as many as 75,000 people.
2008 was also marked by the proliferation of other violations of the laws of war by ENDF personnel in Somalia. Until late 2007, Ethiopian forces were reportedly reasonably disciplined and restrained in their day-to-day interactions with Somali civilians in Mogadishu. However, throughout 2008 ENDF forces in Mogadishu participated in widespread acts of murder, rape, assault, and looting targeting ordinary residents of the city, often alongside forces allied to the Somali Transitional Federal Government. In an April raid on a Mogadishu mosque ENDF soldiers reportedly killed 21 people; seven of the dead had their throats cut.
ENDF forces have also increasingly fired indiscriminately on crowds of civilians when they come under attack. In August ENDF soldiers were hit by a roadside bomb near the town of Afgooye and responded by firing wildly; in the resulting bloodbath as many as 60 civilians were shot and killed, including the passengers of two crowded minibuses.
In Ethiopia itself, the ENDF continues to wage a counterinsurgency campaign against the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in the country's restive Somali region. The scale and intensity of military operations seems to have declined from a peak in mid-2007, but arbitrary detentions, torture, and other abuses continue. Credible reports indicate that vital food aid to the drought-affected region has been diverted and misused as a weapon to starve out rebel-held areas. The military continues to severely restrict access to conflict-affected regions and the Ethiopian government has not reversed its decision to evict the International Committee of the Red Cross from the region in July 2007.
The Ethiopian government denies all allegations of abuses by its military and refuses to facilitate independent investigations. There have been no serious efforts to investigate or ensure accountability for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Somali Region and in neighboring Somalia in 2007 and 2008. Nor have ENDF officers or civilian officials been held accountable for crimes against humanity that ENDF forces carried out against ethnic Anuak communities during a counterinsurgency campaign in Gambella region in late 2003 and 2004.
Regional Renditions
In early 2007 at least 90 men, women, and children from 18 different countries fleeing conflict in Somalia were arrested in Kenya and subsequently deported to Somalia and then Ethiopia, where many were interrogated by US intelligence agents. An unknown number of people arrested by Ethiopian forces in Somalia were also directly transferred to Ethiopia. Many of the victims of these "regional renditions" were released in mid-2007 and early 2008, but at least two men, including a Kenyan and a Canadian national, remain in Ethiopian detention almost two years after their deportation from Kenya. The whereabouts and fate of at least 22 others rendered to Ethiopia, including Eritreans, Somalis, and Ethiopian Ogadeni and Oromo, is unknown.
Civil Society and Free Expression
The environment for civil society continues to deteriorate. In 2008 the government announced new legislation-the Charities and Societies Proclamation-which purports to provide greater oversight and transparency on civil society activities. In fact, the law would undermine the independence of civil society and criminalizes the work of many human rights organizations. At this writing, the law looked set to be introduced to parliament.
Alongside a complex and onerous system of government surveillance and control, the law would place sharp restrictions on the kinds of work permissible to foreign organizations and Ethiopian civil society groups that receive some foreign funding-barring such organizations from any kind of work touching on human rights issues. Individuals who fail to comply with the law's Byzantine provisions could face criminal prosecution.
A new media law passed in July promises to reform some of the most repressive aspects of the previous legal framework. Most notably, the law eliminates the practice of pretrial detention for journalists-although in August, the prominent editor of the Addis Ababa-based Reporter newspaper was imprisoned without charge for several days in connection with a story printed in the paper. In spite of its positive aspects, the law remains flawed-it grants the government significant leeway to restrain free speech, including by summarily impounding publications on grounds of national security or public order. The law also retains criminal penalties including prison terms for journalists found guilty of libel or defamation.
In March 2008 civil society activists Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie were released from more than two years of incarceration, but only after the Ethiopian Federal High Court convicted them of "incitement" related to the 2005 elections.
Key International Actors
The United States and European donor states provide the Ethiopian government with large sums of bilateral assistance, including direct budgetary support from the United Kingdom and military assistance from the US. The US is Ethiopia's largest bilateral donor and has also provided logistical and political support for Ethiopia's protracted intervention in Somalia, and provides bilateral assistance to the Ethiopian military. Donor governments view Ethiopia as an important ally in an unstable region and, in the case of the US, in the "global war on terror."
The US, UK, and other key donors and political allies have consistently refused to publicly criticize widespread abuses or to demand meaningful improvements in Ethiopia's human rights record. The sole exception in 2008 lay in donor government efforts to lobby against the repressive civil society legislation introduced by the government. No major donor made any significant effort to raise serious concerns about or demand a concrete response to war crimes and crimes against humanity in Ethiopia or ENDF atrocities in Somalia.
Ethiopia remains deadlocked over a boundary dispute with Eritrea dating from the two countries' 1998-2000 war. The war in Somalia is another source of tension between the two countries, with Eritrea backing and hosting one faction of the insurgency Ethiopian troops are fighting against in Somalia. Eritrea also plays host to other Ethiopian rebel movements, notably the OLF and ONLF, with the aim of destabilizing the Ethiopian government.
China's importance as a trading partner to Ethiopia grows year by year. According to official figures Chinese investment in Ethiopia totals more than US$350 million annually, up from just $10 million in 2003.
Ethiopia is due to be reviewed under the Universal Periodic Review mechanism of the UN Human Rights Council in December 2009.
Friday, January 16, 2009
Ethiopia: freedom of association in jeopardy
Paris-Geneva, January 9, 2009. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights defenders, a joint programme of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), denounces the adoption on January 6, 2008 of a law that considerably restricts the activities of NGOs in Ethiopia.
window.
This new Law on Charities and Societies amends the Ethiopian Civil Code. It extends the definition of "foreign NGOs" - now governed by a more restrictive status - to almost all Ethiopian NGOs. This will result in muzzling the activities of the Ethiopian civil society organisations. The new piece of legislation also provides for the creation of an administrative body - the "Charities and Societies Agency" - iin charge of issues relating to the registration, functioning and dissolution of NGOs. The extensive powers given to this new agency will clearly pose a further impediment to freedom of association in the country.
Extension of the definition of "foreign NGOs" and interference in the activities of such rganisations:
The NGO law extends the definition of "foreign NGO". So far, an NGO created by Ethiopian nationals and in accordance with Ethiopian law was considered an Ethiopian NGO, regardless of its activities or sources of funding. The new law provides on the contrary that any organisation receiving more than 10% of foreign funding shall be labelled as a "foreign NGO".
This amendment is all the more worrying that another provision of the Charities and Societies law bans such "foreign NGOs" from carrying out activities in the fields of women and children’s' rights, disabled persons, ethnic issues, and conflict settlement and resolution. The implementation of the new law will therefore muzzle the Ethiopian civil society in key fields related to the promotion and protection of human rights, in a country where 95% of Ethiopian NGOs currently receive more than 10% of foreign funding.
If the issue of funding is used as a tool for restriction, some other provisions governing the functioning of "foreign NGOs" are also particularly repressive. Some provide that the Charities and Societies Agency to be set up will be able to appoint and remove executive members sitting with such organisations. Others relate to the allocation of budget and state that the executive members of "foreign NGOs" allocating more than 30% of their budget to administrative expenses shall be subjected to fines or imprisonment.
"This new law announces a severe crackdown on Ethiopian civil society. The authorities seem to have forecast everything that could be done to restrict the activities of NGOs, further harass their executive members and strike down their organisations This piece of legislation is absolutely contrary to international human rights standards, and this breaches in particular the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders", said Souhayr Belhassen, FIDH President.
Registration and dissolution submitted to arbitrary decisions
The law also provides setbacks in the fields of registration and dissolution. So far registration was granted following the issue of an authorisation by the Ministry of Justice. In case of refusal, the applicant organisation had the possibility to appeal this decision before a court. With the new legislation, any application for the registration of a "foreign NGO" shall be submitted to the Charities and Societies Agency, and any refusal of registration will only be appealed before the board of this agency. A second refusal by this body shall be a final decision. The agency will also have exclusive competence with regard to dissolution of so-called "foreign NGOs". The possibilities of appeal will be the same as these applied to registration.
"I am deeply concerned with the extension of the powers granted to the Ethiopian administration, which results in the sidelining of the competence of the judiciary for two essential steps in the life of an association. Freedom to associate has been one of the pillars of the defence of human rights in the world. With this new law, there are strong reasons to believe that most human rights defenders' activities will now be made impossible", denounced Eric Sottas, OMCT Secretary General.
The Observatory recalls that human rights defenders in Ethiopia have been subjected to ongoing acts of harassment in the pass (See Annual Report 2007 of the Observatory).
The Observatory further recalls that freedom of association and free access to funds are guaranteed by Articles 5 and 13 of the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 9, 1998.
Accordingly, the Observatory calls upon the Ethiopian authorities to immediately repeal the new Law on Charities and Societies, put an end to all acts of harassment against all human rights defenders in the country and ensure in all circumstances that they be able to carry out their work without unjustified hindrances, as well as to conform in any circumstances with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and other human rights instruments and conventions ratified by Ethiopia.
window.
This new Law on Charities and Societies amends the Ethiopian Civil Code. It extends the definition of "foreign NGOs" - now governed by a more restrictive status - to almost all Ethiopian NGOs. This will result in muzzling the activities of the Ethiopian civil society organisations. The new piece of legislation also provides for the creation of an administrative body - the "Charities and Societies Agency" - iin charge of issues relating to the registration, functioning and dissolution of NGOs. The extensive powers given to this new agency will clearly pose a further impediment to freedom of association in the country.
Extension of the definition of "foreign NGOs" and interference in the activities of such rganisations:
The NGO law extends the definition of "foreign NGO". So far, an NGO created by Ethiopian nationals and in accordance with Ethiopian law was considered an Ethiopian NGO, regardless of its activities or sources of funding. The new law provides on the contrary that any organisation receiving more than 10% of foreign funding shall be labelled as a "foreign NGO".
This amendment is all the more worrying that another provision of the Charities and Societies law bans such "foreign NGOs" from carrying out activities in the fields of women and children’s' rights, disabled persons, ethnic issues, and conflict settlement and resolution. The implementation of the new law will therefore muzzle the Ethiopian civil society in key fields related to the promotion and protection of human rights, in a country where 95% of Ethiopian NGOs currently receive more than 10% of foreign funding.
If the issue of funding is used as a tool for restriction, some other provisions governing the functioning of "foreign NGOs" are also particularly repressive. Some provide that the Charities and Societies Agency to be set up will be able to appoint and remove executive members sitting with such organisations. Others relate to the allocation of budget and state that the executive members of "foreign NGOs" allocating more than 30% of their budget to administrative expenses shall be subjected to fines or imprisonment.
"This new law announces a severe crackdown on Ethiopian civil society. The authorities seem to have forecast everything that could be done to restrict the activities of NGOs, further harass their executive members and strike down their organisations This piece of legislation is absolutely contrary to international human rights standards, and this breaches in particular the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders", said Souhayr Belhassen, FIDH President.
Registration and dissolution submitted to arbitrary decisions
The law also provides setbacks in the fields of registration and dissolution. So far registration was granted following the issue of an authorisation by the Ministry of Justice. In case of refusal, the applicant organisation had the possibility to appeal this decision before a court. With the new legislation, any application for the registration of a "foreign NGO" shall be submitted to the Charities and Societies Agency, and any refusal of registration will only be appealed before the board of this agency. A second refusal by this body shall be a final decision. The agency will also have exclusive competence with regard to dissolution of so-called "foreign NGOs". The possibilities of appeal will be the same as these applied to registration.
"I am deeply concerned with the extension of the powers granted to the Ethiopian administration, which results in the sidelining of the competence of the judiciary for two essential steps in the life of an association. Freedom to associate has been one of the pillars of the defence of human rights in the world. With this new law, there are strong reasons to believe that most human rights defenders' activities will now be made impossible", denounced Eric Sottas, OMCT Secretary General.
The Observatory recalls that human rights defenders in Ethiopia have been subjected to ongoing acts of harassment in the pass (See Annual Report 2007 of the Observatory).
The Observatory further recalls that freedom of association and free access to funds are guaranteed by Articles 5 and 13 of the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 9, 1998.
Accordingly, the Observatory calls upon the Ethiopian authorities to immediately repeal the new Law on Charities and Societies, put an end to all acts of harassment against all human rights defenders in the country and ensure in all circumstances that they be able to carry out their work without unjustified hindrances, as well as to conform in any circumstances with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and other human rights instruments and conventions ratified by Ethiopia.
Thursday, January 15, 2009
Excellent Coordination!!!
Excellent Coordination- Jan 14, 2009
I’d like to see this go further. If any good is expected for the Ethiopian people, the dedication “must come” from all of us. Those of us who are scattered around the world must “UNIFY” to become the backbones of any movement that rises and give support.
Ethiopians must be able to stand up and say ENOUGH!!! Strikes…peaceful demonstrations for instance boycotting businesses that support the few elite.
This will require a great amount of sacrifice and dedication. People will be shot and killed, tortured and jailed. The effort of Ethiopian around the world will open up a window where the true colors of this arrogant regime can be shown to the world! IT IS THE ONLY WAY AND IT MUST BE DONE!
Free Birtukan Mideksa.
Free Teddy Afro.
Free Bekele Jirata
- Alemu
I’d like to see this go further. If any good is expected for the Ethiopian people, the dedication “must come” from all of us. Those of us who are scattered around the world must “UNIFY” to become the backbones of any movement that rises and give support.
Ethiopians must be able to stand up and say ENOUGH!!! Strikes…peaceful demonstrations for instance boycotting businesses that support the few elite.
This will require a great amount of sacrifice and dedication. People will be shot and killed, tortured and jailed. The effort of Ethiopian around the world will open up a window where the true colors of this arrogant regime can be shown to the world! IT IS THE ONLY WAY AND IT MUST BE DONE!
Free Birtukan Mideksa.
Free Teddy Afro.
Free Bekele Jirata
- Alemu
Saturday, December 13, 2008
Inconsistency in Ethiopia 2007 Census result
I just heard that the population of Ethiopia was 73.9 million in 2007, significantly lower than the 79.1 million expected based on the 1994 census result.
Ethiopia's population has risen by a staggering 23.4 million people over the past 14 years, to its current 76.9 million, according to a census approved by parliament recently. The census dates from May 2007 and includes a projected annual growth rate of 2.6 million people, after delays in the verification process.
The Fertility rate , Population growth, Population size in 1994 and 2007 respectievely are:
Ethiopia's population has risen by a staggering 23.4 million people over the past 14 years, to its current 76.9 million, according to a census approved by parliament recently. The census dates from May 2007 and includes a projected annual growth rate of 2.6 million people, after delays in the verification process.
The Fertility rate , Population growth, Population size in 1994 and 2007 respectievely are:
Tigray is (5.1 , 2.48 , 3136267 , 4314456 )
Amhara (5.1, 1.70, 13834297, 17214056)
Oromiya (6.2, 2.90, 18732525, 27158471)
SNNP (5.6, 2.90, 10377028, 15042531)
Addis Ababa( 3.6, 2.01, 2112737, 2738248)
From the above figure we can clearly see that the fertility rate is not proportional to the growth rate in Amhara region. There is no justification for the 1.7 percent growth rate in the Amhara region. If we take a conservative growth rate of 2.51 percent, which is the same as the national average, then the true population of the Amhara region is 19.09 million, not 17.21 million. Nearly two million people have ceased to exist in the Amhara region not because of any sudden earthquake or tsunami but because of unprofessional manipulation.
God bless Ethiopia
Alemu
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